EAST ASIA'S SPENT FUEL DILEMMA
Paul Leventhal
President, Nuclear Control Institute
presented to
The 2000 Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference
Washington, D.C.
March 16, 2000
1. Spent fuel is the heart of the nuclear dilemma, the
Achilles heel of nuclear power industry.
-- Basic dilemma:
- Nuclear power reactors routinely produce plutonium in spent fuel;
- Nuclear industry has no idea---surely no publicly acceptable plan---for
what to do with spent fuel, or with the plutonium already separated from it;
- This dilemma raises larger question of whether nuclear power is deserving
of continued support from the public and especially from non-proliferation &
disarmament community if it fails to clean up its act.
-- East Asia:
- Environmental, safety and commercial concerns about spent fuel, exacerbated
by potential military use of contained plutonium;
- Both South Korea & Taiwan sought to weaponize in the 1970s;
- North Korea pursued weapons program in 1990s;
- Japan's plutonium program is a real worry to its neighbors, including
China.
2. U.S. has turned a blind eye to civilian plutonium
in Europe & Japan despite a basic policy commitment to "not encourage"
plutonium use generally.
-- Specific exception
made for Europe & Japan:
- Current (1993) U.S. policy statement: "The United States does
not encourage the civil use of plutonium and, accordingly, does not itself engage
in plutonium reprocessing for either nuclear power or nuclear explosive purposes.
The United States, however, will maintain its existing commitments regarding
the use of plutonium in civil nuclear programs in Western Europe and Japan.
- Undercuts public understanding of & interest in the plutonium problem;
- This dilemma is illustrated in a chart, "The Plutonium File,"
published recently in Washington Post. What's wrong with this picture?:
- Answer: World civilian plutonium is not even on the chart. Here's a
corrected version:
-- False notions underpinning
U.S. lack of initiative on plutonium:
- "counterproductive" to raise with allies and conflicts with
U.S. "existing commitments" on plutonium use in nuclear cooperation
agreements;
- European & Japanese plutonium "irrelevant" to proliferation;
- "Transparency" (the IAEA's Voluntary International Plutonium
Management Program, INFCIRC 549) and "partial" Fissban are sufficient
to deal with plutonium.
-- Counter-arguments:
- Re. "counterproductive":
> Failure to engage allies undercuts U.S. anti- plutonium efforts
elsewhere (East Asia, South Asia, Mideast);
> Quiet, constructive engagement with allies (especially UK, Japan
& Germany) on alternatives is possible now and does not conflict with consents
already given for plutonium use;
- Re: "irrelevance":
> Ask the Koreans whether Japanese plutonium is irrelevant;
> Legitimating plutonium in Japan will encourage other NPT parties
like Iran to demand full fuel- cycle privileges;
> Denying others while accommodating Japan injects discrimination
into an already difficult non- proliferation regime.
- Reliance on "transparency" could be counterproductive if
it further legitimates reprocessing & plutonium use and makes achievement
of a "comprehensive" Fissban impossible;
- Proceeding with spent-fuel disposal before first stopping reprocessing
puts the proverbial cart before the horse:
> gives the nuclear industry & bureaucracy license to continuing
producing plutonium;
> unless threatened with shutdown of nuclear power, they won't act
responsibly on spent fuel & plutonium;
> for better or worse, only the prospect of industry choking on its
own spent fuel holds any promise for forcing positive change.
> The change needed is to halt reprocessing, directly dispose of spent
fuel, and to immobilize already-separated plutonium in reprocessing waste (for
direct disposal with spent fuel), rather than make it into MOX.
-- If a threat to shut
down the nuclear-power industry to achieve positive change seems a bit extreme,
consider the dimensions of the danger:
- Now more civilian than military plutonium in the world.
- Greatest growth in these stocks has taken place since enactment of
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Act and establishment of U.S. anti-plutonium policy
in mid- 1970s.
- The following charts show the annual and cumulative growth in world
civilian stocks of separated plutonium during successive U.S. Presidencies.
Note, in particular, the "Clinton Legacy":
> "World Separation of Civilian Plutonium---Annual" <carnegie-chart1.gif>
> "World Separation of Civilian Plutonium--- Cumulative"
<carnegie-chart2.gif>
> "Annual World Separation of Civilian Plutonium--- by Administration"
<carnegie-chart8.htm>
- Even more ominous is the rapidly mounting inventory of spent fuel,
growing from 6,000 tonnes in 1970 to 323,000 tonnes by 2010, and in particular
the rapid growth of plutonium in spent fuel, from 13 tonnes in 1970 to 2,125
tonnes by 2010:
> "World Generation of Spent Fuel--- Cumulative" <carnegie-chart3.gif>
> "World Generation of Plutonium in Spent Fuel--- Cumulative"
<carnegie-chart4.gif>
3. The East Asian spent-fuel "dilemma" really
presents an opportunity:
-- The principal players
all want to get rid of their spent fuel.
-- The vast quantities
of spent fuel and of generated plutonium in Japan, Taiwan and South Korea are
indeed ominous:
> "Spent Fuel and Plutonium in East Asia" <carnegie-chart5.gif>
-- Japan's plutonium program
has been a fiasco: the MOX program is on hold; the breeder program is unofficially
dead; the reprocessing program is stalled, if not stopped.
-- Korea and Taiwan are
running out of spent-fuel storage space; Britain and France have been offering
them reprocessing services; the United States, which controls most of their
spent fuel, has rejected reprocessing of their fuel.
-- There are three active
international initiatives for disposing of East Asian spent fuel:
- Pangea;
- Non-Proliferation Trust;
- Russia's recent reprocessing offer.
-- The problem is that
commercial interests rather than non- proliferation objectives are driving these
proposals.
- If removing the spent-fuel albatross from the nuclear power industry
is the only outcome, these plans should be strongly resisted.
- If halting separation & use of plutonium is made a condition of
disposing of spent fuel, and full consideration is given to the safety and security
concerns of en-route & repository states, these plans should be cautiously
considered.
4. Conditions for disposing of East Asian spent fuel:
-- No reprocessing of
S. Korean & Taiwanese spent fuel; no further reprocessing of Japanese spent
fuel.
-- No MOX use; already-separated
plutonium should be immobilized in waste and disposed of with spent fuel.
-- One-way ticket to repository;
no spent fuel can be returned or re-transferred for reprocessing.
-- "Gold-plated"
transport: dedicated ships with military escort vessel and with guard force
on board; hardened casks to further protect against accidents & terrorism.
-- Full consideration
of legal rights & needs of en-route states: prior notification & consultation;
full EIS; binding guarantees on indemnification & salvage.
-- Full weighing of non-proliferation,
security and safety benefits of disposal abroad vs. disposal at home.
5. For any East Asian spent-fuel disposal scheme to succeed,
there must be
-- U.S. leadership, based
on US consent rights over virtually all of the spent fuel, as well as on U.S.
constructive engagement with Japan & UK in particular on alternatives to
reprocessing & MOX;
-- Cooperation by the
Japanese, Chinese & Russians to forego further civilian reprocessing &
plutonium use.
-- There has been successful
international cooperation to collect and dispose of research reactor spent fuel
containing weapons-grade uranium; the same cooperation is possible for power-reactor
spent fuel containing weapons- usable plutonium. But as with research reactor
spent fuel, non-proliferation, not commercial, considerations must prevail.
-- This is NOT "the
best being the enemy of the good." The "good" has not been good
enough. In fact, it has been downright dangerous, as seen in rapid growth of
civilian plutonium stocks.
-- The key: U.S. policy has to come around. Plutonium
must no longer be regarded as a political problem to be avoided, but a non-proliferation
problem to be confronted.
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